The reason of the consider was to look at the encounters of parents‟ values and convictions and the impact of these parental values amid childrearing hones in guardians of Debre Tabor community, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Grounded hypothesis guided the information investigation and elucidation forms of the think about.  The participant of the study were parents raising children in Debre Tabor community and active member of the Amhara community, who regularly engage in vital functions of the community such as community leaders and teachers (n=30, 12 fathers & 18 mothers). Data has been collected through semi-structured interview (n=10) and FGD (two groups of 10 parents). Around 80% of the guardians detailed that the specified values their children to acquire in submission, religiosity, collective/social, energetic (adore their nation), compliant and dedicated behaviors, though, the undesired values that their children must not acquire are awful behaviors (misdirection, disrespecting others and taking), insubordination and being substance fiend. Nearly all guardians accept that children are blessing from God and others included those children as resources, who back their guardians and more youthful kin afterward in life, while, others accept that. More than triple of the guardians too favor teaching by physical discipline with legitimate concentrated as well as acknowledge parental inclusion to incorporate both fathers and moms within the socialization handle beginning from the early age. Most guardians communicated that parental values and convictions impact their childrearing hone in a way that more or less they concur that they accept in legacy of their devout values and social sex part execution that gives boys more opportunity than young ladies. Suggestions for future inquire about and hone called for the significance of creating and using relevant information to assist guardians gets fitting.

1. 1. Background of the study 

Socialization is an important part of child rearing and is defined as the way in which a child acquires the necessary skills, attitudes and behaviors necessary for his successful adjustment to the family and the larger society (Darling et al. Steinberg 1993). 

Within any culture, children are shaped by the physical and social settings within which they live and they are subjected to culturally regulated customs and child rearing practices along with culturally based belief systems (Shaules, 2007). All societies prescribe certain characteristics that people are expected to possess and proscribe activities that people must not engage in if they want to function well and coexist within their community (Keller, 2002). Some of these prescriptions and proscriptions might be universal across cultures, such as the requirement for parents to nurture and protect their children. Further, considering the variation in standards and values across cultural settings among communities, practices such as training children are expected to be prevalent naturally occurring in addition to the implementation of social controls to ensure that.

Children are socialized to be raised in such a way that each new generation acquires prescribed patterns of beliefs and behaviors while avoiding the proscribed ones (Keller, 2002). Additionally exploring the relationship between culture and the child rearing practice, in case of many Asian countries, a parental goal is to socialize a quiet, compliant, reserved child as it appears to ensure acceptance in the child‘s social community whereas in the western world, such a goal, if met, would result in peer rejection and difficulty in the social world as the westerners parenting goal is way different being the socialization of the potentially gregarious, outgoing child (Chan, 2009). Furthermore, adaptation is considered to be culturally defined and if a given behavior is viewed as an acceptable behavior, then parents will attempt to encourage its development whereas if the behavior is perceived as maladaptive or abnormal, then parents (and significant others) will attempt to discourage its growth and development (Rubin and Chung, 2003). During the child‘s socialization process different scholars stated that there is a prevalence of multiple actors playing a significant role in the child‘s development having a profound effect lasting a life time. Among these actors the family represents the first social institution in which children‘s lives are primarily shaped as it is within the family contexts that children gradually internalize social standards and expectations as well as culture and traditions of their community (Hirut, 2012).

According to studies conducted surrounding these issues, parenting or childrearing encompasses a number of different psychological constructs including values, involvement, beliefs, expectations, ideas, attitudes, perceptions (which are generally referred to as parenting cognitions) and behaviors (Gerris, Dekovic and Janssen, 1997). In this context, parenting value refers to the value that parents would like most to be instilled into their children or the qualities that parents consider the most desirable behaviors to be acquired by their children (Kohn, 1976). Similarly, parenting beliefs refer to ideas or knowledge that parents think are true guiding their behaviors in dealing with children (Miguel, Valentim, and Carugati, 2009). The existing literature shows the presence of strong links among parenting values, beliefs and behaviors (Miller, 1988; Okagaki and Sternberg, 1993). However, in the context of communities existing in Ethiopia, the parental values, beliefs and behaviors which are unique to these societies and the patterns of relationships among them was not studied well and supported by empirical research. Among these communities the focus of this paper is bounded to exploring the child rearing practices within Debre Tabor community (DTC). DTC is located in the northern part of Ethiopia near to Bahir Dar, capital city of Amhara region. According to the data obtained from the Woreda Women and Children Unit officer, currently the total population of DTC is estimated to be more than 150,000 and the inhabitants of this community were able to maintain their culture and heritage for long years whereas they are well known for their skills in pottery and weaving. They are skilled craftsmen, involved in the production of ploughshares, metal agricultural implements, knives, blades, iron spears, swords, pottery, and the production of traditional clothing. In this regard this study has conducted an assessment on the parental beliefs, values and behaviors of parents in Debre Tabor Community while focusing on their child rearing practices along with the cultural and religious impacts affecting childrearing hoping to gain an insight to their unique experience in raising children.

1. 2. Statement of the problem 

One way that a child can learn appropriate and inappropriate behavior, right and wrong decision-making, skills, understanding roles, and whether to accept or reject community norms is through their parents. There isn't a single book that tells parents exactly how to raise their children, which makes parenting a contentious topic both historically and currently. Numerous previous studies on the subject of parental beliefs, values, and involvement in addition to family culture suggested that various psychological, social, historical, environmental, political, and geographical settings may have an impact on child rearing practices. These issues can have a lasting effect on the children raised by these practices (Kagitcibasi, 2002). Apart from the impact that family values have on raising children, family norms also have an impact on the practice of raising children. According to Miller (1988), norms are the spoken and unspoken cultural rules that may be reinforced over time and serve as an imperceptible restraint on family members' behavior by establishing expectations for how they should behave, dress, and speak as well as defining what is appropriate or inappropriate behavior in certain situations. In addition, parents' values differ widely in how much they tolerate cultural differences and the reality that certain cultures require complete adherence to their values. Some even go so far as to cut off all contact with family members who adhere to different philosophies or lifestyles, believing that any deviation from the norm poses a threat to the family's well-being. If there is a debate, these new voices or perspectives are likely to become discouraged (Rogoff, 2003). The majority of earlier studies attempted to view and classify all values, beliefs, and cultures around the world through the western psychological lens and place them into exclusive categories by ignoring the differences in parenting values and beliefs across cultures and societies. Earlier research attempts to view and classify all values, beliefs, and cultures worldwide through the prism of western psychology, dividing them into exclusive groups while ignoring the fact that cultural values and beliefs vary greatly among societies. Differences in parenting involvement and beliefs across cultures indicate that parents may adopt or inherit various ready-made "schemas" or "culturally-packaged beliefs" regarding parenting and children into their parenting practices (Goodnow & Collins, 1990; Papousek & Papousek, 1995). Parenting research conducted across cultural boundaries allows us to recognize both cultural norms and differences in childrearing practices. According to a number of scientific disciplines, including anthropology, sociology, psychology, and others, it is extremely uncommon—if not impossible—for a human being to act in a way that is unresponsive to a cultural element (Bronfenbrenner, 1989; Inglehart & Baker, 2000; Kagitcibasi, 2007). However, research done from a cultural psychology perspective (Goodnow, 1995) is also instructive in that it reveals differences within cultures that are noted in relation to contextual features and social change, and cultural values and beliefs play a significant role among the factors that influence human development. The majority of research reports that are currently available in the literature used quantitative methods for gathering and analyzing data. However, qualitative approaches are necessary for studies on parenting practices in relation to parents' involvement, values, and beliefs in a particular culture, as they provide a deeper understanding of parenting practices. According to McLeod (2001), the researcher does not usually try to review the literature before gathering data in qualitative research, and grounded theory research in particular. In order for themes and categories to "emerge" from the phenomenon rather than be forced upon it, it is important to approach it with an open mind (McLeod, 2001). Therefore, using a qualitative approach is more practical to understand respondents' experiences than categorizing and labeling parents' actual experiences using predetermined theoretical basis, as the purpose of the current study is to explore how parents rear their children in Debre Tabor town and examine the effects of parents' values and beliefs on parenting practices. According to McLeod (2001), studies on parenting practices in Ethiopia are not only rare, but the ones that do exist tend to use more quantitative methods. This is especially true of grounded theory research and qualitative research in general. Childrearing services programs impose practices from abroad without fully appreciating the cultural values of the community they serve. The reason for this discrepancy is that external organizations or individuals who do not belong to the target culture or group of the program often initiate ideas about practices in service providers. A more comprehensive comprehension of childrearing techniques, philosophies, and patterns would facilitate improved community performance. According to Evans and Myers (1994), understanding patterns and techniques for raising children improve child rearing process. According to the domains of developmental psychology and health, there are cultural values held by caregivers that are harmful to children's growth and development in addition to those that are beneficial. By identifying and comprehending how these values and beliefs affect parenting techniques. It is possible to determine which practices should be discouraged and which ones need support (Evans & Myers, 1994).

1.3 Research questions

1. What values do parents in Debre Tabor community currently want for their children? 
2. What characteristics or attributes do parents in Debre Tabor community not want for their children? 
3. How do the people of Debre Tabor feel about parents having children? 
4. What parenting philosophies do parents in Debre Tabor community hold regarding child discipline?
5. What do parents in Debre Tabor community believe about the role that parents should play in raising their children? 
6. How do Debre Tabor community's parenting techniques get influenced by the values and beliefs of their parents?

1.4 Objectives of the study 

1.4.1 General objective 

The main objective of the research is to explore parental values, beliefs and practices of child rearing in the Debre Tabor community by investigating their parenting values, beliefs and practices while rearing their children. 

1.4.2 Specific objectives

• To investigate the current values that Debre Tabor community parents wish to instill in their children 
• To assess the characteristics of kids that Debre Tabor community's parents don't like 
• To explore parents' perspectives on having kids in Debre Tabor community 
• To examine the parenting philosophies that Debre Tabor community parents employ when reprimanding their kids. 
• To assess Debre Tabor community's parents' perceptions of parental participation in childrearing 
• To comprehend how Debre Taabor community parents' values and beliefs influence their childrearing methods

1.5 Significance of the study 

ICS & ACPF (2010) suggest that fostering parent-child relationships is one of the most important ways to prepare children to be responsible members of society. If parents have access to information and resources that are relevant to their needs, their significant responsibility of raising and preparing their children for life can be enhanced. According to Keller (2009), research is necessary in order to comprehend the experiences of parents and match intervention programs to meet their needs. Although some research has been done on Ethiopian parents' parenting styles, there are surprisingly few qualitative methods available to investigate how parents perceive and experience their cultural background and how they raise their children. By using qualitative research to examine cultural parenting approaches, counselors, educators, and other stakeholders can better understand the variety of parenting experiences that exist in Ethiopia and help parents receive the best possible support. Given that children under the age of eighteen make up about half of Ethiopia's population, a contextual understanding of parenting in Ethiopia is pertinent to all parties involved (ICS & ACPF, 2010). In order to prepare this young generation to be a resource for the nation, it is imperative that parents receive contextual knowledge support. According to Klein and Rye's (2004) research on interaction-oriented early intervention in Ethiopia, the nation is going through a lot of cultural, economic, and social changes that necessitate reevaluating conventional methods of childrearing. Ethiopian cities, both urban and semi-urban, are undergoing significant transformations in terms of infrastructure development, educational expansion, and associated poverty alleviation initiatives (Gebre, 2008). Participants in the study are from the Debre Tabor community, which is 102 km far from capital city of the region Bahir Dar. Researching the effects of rapid modernization and the ensuing cultural shifts on parent-child relationships is crucial. Parents may find themselves torn between different parenting philosophies and standards in an attempt to make the most of their evolving environment. Every culturally and religiously diverse community is expected to have its own indigenous childrearing values, beliefs, involvements, and practices, according to Nsamenang (2007). Counselors must consider how to support parents who are becoming more involved in their children's lives due to the decline in communal parenting culture, which involves extended family members and the community at large, in addition to assisting parents in adjusting to the impact of these rapid changes in the nation. It is thought that carrying out more research of this kind on parenting-related topics will be important because it will help vulnerable kids by calling toward a cooperative endeavor to promote involvement and efficacy in order to provide better care and protection from detrimental customs in child rearing. This calls for interventions like raising awareness, advocating for change, and developing national preventive policies for the children growing up, as these practices have a lasting impact that affects children all the way to adulthood.

1.6 Scope of the Study 

This study looked at how parents raise their kids in Debre Tabor community while also analyzing the impact of parents' parenting beliefs and values on these practices. The current study's scope was defined theoretically, in terms of time, resources, and geographic coverage. Initially, the study's purview was restricted to particular Bahir Dar neighborhoods. As a result, the study is limited to parents who live in three sub-city of Debre Tabor, and a population estimated to be more than 150,000. Second, the study's population is restricted to parents in Debre Tabor who are employed in traditional pottery and waving businesses. This study looked at how parents raise their kids in Debre Tabor community while also analyzing the impact of parents' parenting beliefs and values on these practices. These two limitations resulted from a time constraint. The present study's theoretical scope was restricted to evaluating parents' views and values regarding their experiences of raising children. Nonetheless, in communal cultures such as Ethiopia, the community at large, other extended families, and neighbors all have a significant impact on the practice of raising children in addition to the parents. The practice of raising children in connection to parenting values, beliefs, and practices has been examined in this study. The study also looked at the particular experiences that Debre Tabor parents have, as well as the ways that culture and religion can influence parenting styles. This community has a strong sense of unity, as evidenced by its ability to preserve its culture and legacy for future generations and to socialize their children through the wonderful arts of weaving and pottery-making. 

1.7 Definitions of Key Terms

Children- those who live with their parents and are no older than eight years old.

Child rearing practice- refers to the active participation, exchange, and roles that mothers and fathers play in their children's daily activities.

Parenting – refers to how parents raise their kids in terms of Debre Tabor community's values, beliefs, and customs.

Parental belief - refers to the ideas that parents hold regarding having children, disciplining their kids, and being involved in their upbringing.

Parental values – These are attributes or qualities that parents want and do not want their grown children to possess; these are considered significant, valuable, and helpful in raising children as well as widely accepted in society.

2.1 Research design 

The current qualitative study uses a cross-sectional research design as its methodology. Corbin and Strauss (2008) claim that cross-sectional design qualitative research enables researchers to discover variables rather than test them, as well as to delve into participants' inner experiences at a particular moment in time and understand how meanings are formed within and through culture. In addition, there are a variety of reasons to conduct qualitative research, but the primary one may be the desire to move beyond the familiar and into the world of the participants in order to gain an understanding of their viewpoint and, in the process, make discoveries that will advance the body of empirical knowledge (Corbin & Strauss, 2008). Although there are many methods and styles for conducting qualitative research, in this study, data were gathered through interviews and focus group discussions (FGD), and data were analyzed using grounded theory. 2008).

2.2 Sources and types of data 

By using interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs) with parents who are raising children in this community, this qualitative study was able to gather primary data necessary for the assessment of parental beliefs, values, and behaviors in Kansas City in order to investigate the practices of child rearing. In addition, a variety of publications, including books, manuals, research journals, and readily accessible online resources like E-books from various online databases, were used to gather secondary data.

2.3 Target population 

By gathering information on parental beliefs and values in connection to their child-rearing practices in the Debre Tabor community, this study assessed the child-rearing practices of Debre Tabor community parents. The study's target population comprises parents whose children are 8 years old or younger. The entire population of the target group, known as the Debre Tabor community, which is estimated to number more than 150,000 and is spread across three sub-cities in Debre Tabor. Based on the inclusion criteria, the researcher conducted target population interviews with ten Debre Tabor community parents, emphasizing issues that will aid in answering the research questions posed by this study. Additionally, 20 parents took part in the FGDs, split up into.

2.4 Sampling technique 

Purposive sampling, presuming theoretical sampling strategy, is used to recruit study participants. The purposive-sampling approach was chosen for this study because it aims to investigate parental beliefs, values, and behaviors in relation to child rearing practices in the Debre Tabor community by providing participants with the required experience and exposure. The strategy known as theoretical sampling, according to VandenBos (2015), is frequently used in qualitative research and entails the purposeful sampling of additional data while a theoretical framework is still being developed. The researcher can use it to sample new research sites, cases, incidents, time periods, or data sources to compare with previously studied in order to obtain a deeper understanding of the constructs involved. The researcher does this in an effort to develop a theory from the emerging with the use of purposeful sampling; researchers can specify predefined inclusion criteria to help with participant selection (D'Cruz & Jones, 2004; Denscombe, 2010a). According to the sampling criteria, parents had to meet the following requirements in order to be eligible to participate in the research study: (i) they had to be Amharic-speaking; (ii) they had to be residents of the Debre Tabor area; and (iv) they had to be willing and able to participate. In addition, the researcher chose the FGD participants based on the parents' experiences, who were required to have both community involvement and exposure to childrearing practices in order to obtain the distinctive experiences of Debre Tabor community. Ten parents who are raising children in this community have taken part in the study by being interviewed using open-ended questions about their parenting behaviors, beliefs, and values in relation to how they raise their children in the Debre Tabor community. Additionally, to reach the ideal data saturation, two focus groups with ten volunteer parents were held. The FGD participants' demographic features comprise educators of both sexes, parents, and community leaders. Parents raising children in the Debre Tabor community and engaged community members who frequently perform essential roles like teachers and leaders make up the majority of the participants in this study.

Table 1: Parental Demographic Features

2.5 Data collection tools and procedures 

The primary data collection techniques used in this study was focus groups and semi-structured interviews, each with its own set of guidelines. Research shows that these techniques for gathering data are adaptable and enable respondents to talk freely about the subject in order to share their individual parenting experiences (Denscombe, 2010b). Open-ended questions were permitted in the semi-structured interview format, which prompted participants to go into further detail about their main areas of interest. Data collection and analysis are complementary processes in qualitative research. The participants were interviewed using an interview guide consisting of six general questions (see Appendix-A). The interview session lasted roughly thirty to forty-five minutes. Up until a certain point, the one-on-one interviews were conducted concurrently with the data analysis process. Corbin and Strauss (2008) state that saturation is typically explained in terms of when no new data are emerging, but also that saturation is more complex than that. In theory building, it also refers to the differentiation of relationships between concepts and the evolution of categories with respect to their attributes and dimensions, including variation (Corbin and Strauss 2008). As previously indicated, theoretical sampling is the process of gathering data to generate theory in which the analyst and others work together to collect, code, and analyze the data and determine what further data needs to be gathered and where to find it in order to develop the theory as it emerges. Throughout the in-depth interviews with participants, the researcher continuously comprehended and attempted to make sense of the information retained. In addition to reading through transcripts or field notes, the researchers kept a close eye out for emerging themes and ideas. They also developed concepts and hypotheses to start interpreting the data. As the investigation went on, the researcher began to pay more attention to her areas of interest, examine the accounts provided by informants, and pursue leads and intuitions. In order to complete the preliminary data analysis, the researchers conducted in-depth interviews with the participants when they started to recur in similar categories. The six main sections of the FGD guide for data collection ask participants to discuss topics that evaluate current values that are desired, beliefs on the effects of parental values and beliefs, having children, undesirable traits or qualities, parental involvement and interaction beliefs, and parenting beliefs (see Appendix-B). As with the interview schedule, the data gathered from the focus group discussions (FGDs) was promptly incorporated into the data analysis procedure. The FGD and interview schedules were continuously audio recorded, and the recordings were kept for data analysis.

2.6 Data analysis and interpretation

Grounded theory analysis was used to examine the study's data, which came from focus group discussions and interviews. The grounded theory approach, according to Taylor, Bogdan, and DeVault (2016), is primarily a data analysis technique for deriving theories, concepts, hypotheses, and propositions directly from data, as opposed to presumptions, prior research, or preexisting theoretical frameworks. When there are no theories or theories but they do not specifically address the population or variables of interest, a grounded theory design is appropriate (Creswell, 2013). Both situations apply to the current study because (a) there is a dearth of empirical data in the Ethiopian context and (b) parenting values and beliefs differ between and within cultures. Corbin and Strauss (2008) state that open, axial, and selective coding are the steps in the data analysis process that follow the transcription of interviews.

2.6.1 Data transcription and translation

Interview transcriptions and translations marked the start of the researcher's data analysis process. The researcher translated, transcribed, and then went over each document again, listening to the audio recording to ensure the transcription was accurate, following each interview. To ensure the accuracy of each document, the researcher repeated this process for all subsequent recordings and compared the transcriptions to snippets of the recordings.

2.6.2 Open coding 

Using Corbin and Strauss (2008) procedures for analysis open coding—a method that generates concepts, or codes, from descriptive data—the researcher coded the transcripts. The initial phase of open coding is data conceptualization. Conceptual labels are abstract notions that the researcher generates in three ways: (a) by interacting with the data and posing inquiries; (b) by applying codes that are relevant to the literature; and (c) by selecting authentic codes, which are real words and expressions that participants actually use (Corbin & Strauss, 2008). The researcher wrote conceptual labels and underlined or highlighted relevant passages in each manuscript as she read it. In addition, the researcher took notes in the margins about observations and queries concerning the data, went over each transcript, and took notes and codes, and added quotes, attributes, and measurements to a data table. The researcher coded the data from the two FGDs in a manner similar to that of the interviewees, with the exception that the former's data were combined into a single transcript for each group. A total of 128 codes were kept after the open coding process for all transcripts and other data sources was completed. It is constantly possible to group codes into informational categories by comparing newly discovered data with previously identified concepts (Corbin & Strauss, 2008). To organize the data, the concepts have to be divided into categories. Some minor codes were eliminated, while others were incorporated into characteristics or dimensions of categories.26 potential categories were found by using this procedure. The data was once more sorted by the researcher until significant groups could be identified.

2.6.3 Axial coding

Coding phases in grounded theory research frequently cross over (Corbin & Strauss, 2008). The researcher compared fresh data to preexisting codes during the open coding procedure and searched for patterns in the data. This was the start of the axial coding procedure. After open coding was finished, the researcher classified each participant's data into groups. In addition to participant codes, the researcher generated a table with subcategories associated with each major category that the open coding method had revealed. The axial coding methodologies developed by Corbin and Strauss (2008) stipulate that the analyst must use a paradigm model to construct linkages between subcategories and categories. In terms of (a) causal conditions, (b) phenomena, (c) context, (d) intervening conditions, (e) action/interaction strategies, and (f) outcomes, the researcher identified the categories (Corbin & Strauss, 2008).In grounded theory, it is crucial to continuously check the analysis with the data. For this reason, the researcher reexamined the data after identifying the significant categories to decide where to place each one in the paradigm model or to eliminate it. Memorization is a crucial step in the grounded theory research data analysis process. Memos include procedural notes that support theoretical samples, codes, and concepts related to the developing theory (Corbin & Strauss, 2008).Throughout the research investigation, memorization starts with the first data analysis session and continues (Corbin & Strauss, 2008). The researcher kept notes on participants, interviews, ideas and thoughts about the emerging data and theory, and queries about the data in memos that were written during the data gathering and analysis process. In addition, Appendix-D: Data of open coding and Appendix E: Data of axial coding provide memoranda for (e) codes and categories, (f) information tables for the data, and (g) notes about methods and operations. The researcher used audit trail to keep records during the data collecting and analysis procedure (see Appendix F). For every participant, the researcher produced an informational table outlining the steps involved in finding volunteers, gathering data, and analyzing it. Dates for tasks like FGD, interviews, and the ensuing data transcription and translation were recorded by the researcher.

2.7 Ethical consideration

The ideals of privacy, informed consent, secrecy, protection from damage, and avoiding deceit are among the various aspects of ethical issues (Piper & Simons, 2005). The current investigation is being conducted with these overarching ideas in mind. In order to safeguard participants, names of individuals and locations were replaced with pseudonyms during the transcribing and analysis process. Transcripts do not contain any personal data or participant details. As a result, participant confidentiality has been protected both throughout data presentation and recruiting. The participants were required to sign a consent form (see Appendix C), outlining all the ethical considerations that went into the study, before the interview and focus group discussions could begin. The researcher made it possible for everyone taking part in this study to have a supportive atmosphere by upholding her moral and ethical duty to treat participants with respect and dignity.

3.1 findings

In order to address the research objectives posed by this study, the data from the FGD and the interview were transcribed, and key themes were found in each transcript. The method used to present the findings from the FGD and interview for each theme area generally begins with a summary of the findings showing that 34% of the FGD participants expressed agreement with the various viewpoints and reservations that were presented. This is followed by the citation of a few quotes from the transcripts as supporting evidence. Parenting values and parenting beliefs are the two main themes that emerged from the data analysis utilizing grounded theory. These topics are presented in the sections that follow.

Theme 1: parenting values 

3.2 Parenting values desired for children.

In response to a broad inquiry regarding the characteristics they hope their children would have as they get older, survey participants expressed their personal experiences. According to the information gathered from these respondents, three out of every four participants expect their children to possess traits like diligence, deference, religious belief, loyalty, honesty, decency, politeness, good manners, quietness, helpfulness, secrecy, and support for parents and fellow citizens who cherish their country as they grow older. These characteristics often allude to a group of relatedness, obedience, group, and nationalistic beliefs.

"I want my four children to be kind, decent, honest, and respectful of their parents, teachers, and elders. In addition, I want their academic endeavors to be successful.” According to a second source,

“I taught my two daughters to be upstanding members of the community and to avoid embarrassing themselves in front of their parents by instilling in them values like honesty, decency, resects, and civility.”

Additionally, a parent who was interviewed said, "I am raising my two boys to be godly, respectable, honest, quiet, industrious, and respectful young men." Additionally, I want them to be law     abiding citizens who cherish their nation.

On the other hand, two FGD informants present a different perspective while outlining the qualities they would like their children to possess. Self assurance, responsibility, justice, resilience, sociability, independence, tolerance, assertiveness, empathy, and thoughtfulness are among the qualities these parents instill in their children. Usually, these characteristics or attributes combined to form a set of self-governing principles. One FGD participant father, for example, stated that while discussing the values and characteristics he hopes his children will have as adults, “I want my children to be strong, self assured, responsible, fair, resilient, gregarious, independent, aggressive, compassionate, and thoughtful. I have three boys and a daughter.”

3.3 Attributes or characteristics unsuitable for kids

A brief summary is provided in response to a broad question about the kinds of traits that the FGD participants do not want their children to have when they get older. The FGD participants generally stated that stealing, addiction, lying, disobedience, destructiveness, aimlessness, disrespectfulness, arrogance, ridiculousness, and unlawfulness are among the negative traits that their children should not pick up as adults. One FGD participant mentioned the following when discussing the values she would prefer her children not to have:      

"I am instilling in my kids the importance of honesty and truthfulness because I do not want them to grow up to be liars and cheaters. Additionally, I do not want kids to learn undesirable habits like stealing and rudeness.

Furthermore, an additional parent expressed: "I have two sons, and I do not want them to grow up to be addicts. I do not want kids hanging out with folks who are negative influences or engaging in addictive behaviors like chewing tobacco or smoking cigarettes.

Along with the traits that parents in DTT value, every FGD participant said that parents prioritize their children's academic success over any interests or aspirations they may have. This includes supporting their children's decisions regarding important life decisions. One parent who participated in the FGD informants and emphasized the need of educating one's child, for example, stated that:

"I learned how to make pottery as a child, and my parents used to support me in continuing with this career. Consequently, I am able to work and provide for my family now that I am a father, and my top priority is for my kids to excel academically above all else.

Another parent made a similar statement: "My oldest son wants to pursue a career in music. I have four children. "In high school, he put his schoolwork on hold to join a local "kinet" or singing club. But I disagreed with his choice, and after much pleading and debating, I was able to persuade him to put his academics first and quit the music endeavor.

As an illustration of this trend, the findings from this study showed that most FGD participants primarily had a more conformist perspective toward child socialization. This suggests that the majority of parents in the DTT area favor teaching their children obedience and relatedness values as desirable traits through their parenting style, as opposed to self-directing values.

Theme 2: parenting principles.

3.4 Parenting perspectives on starting a family

The FGD participants talked about their own views on having children in response to general questions. The results of the data transcription generally showed that, given their belief that children are gifts from God, most parents in DTT tend to support having more children. In addition, the participants mentioned that children are a resource that may help assist their parents and younger siblings if they are raised properly. For example, two informants discussed their opinions regarding having more kids. One of the FGD parents provided the following report.

"My belief is that children are a gift from God, and if they are raised well and become independent, they will eventually support their parents and younger siblings," the mother of five children says. An additional FGD source stated that:

"I grew up in a big family, and my parents instilled in us the value of hard work and practical skills at a young age, which allowed us to thrive in life by supporting one another and ourselves.

3.5 Parental perspectives on directing discipline

During a general discussion about their personal views on childrearing, the FGD participants' responses from the transcribed data showed that most parents in DTT community prioritize traditional childrearing beliefs over progressive childrearing beliefs when it comes to their parenting styles. For example, when two informants shared their thoughts about what they believed to be the best way to discipline and engage with children, their perspectives aligned with those of most FGD participants. The initial source reported that:

"Children should suffer the maximum amount of punishment since it is important to correct misbehaving behavior in them from an early age. It is also important to take action before it is too late because it will be challenging to govern spoiled and out-of-control children later on." The second informant said the same thing: "I think that every child needs a little bit of lashing and punishment because they are not very smart and parents should teach them etiquette. "There is an Amharic proverb in our village that goes, "shekla bicha new dula yemitelaw. "Although I believe there should be a limit to physical punishment, I do support it because when their father excessively abuses my kids, I typically get into arguments with him.”

The preceding saying, which literally translates to "only clay dislikes a stick," suggests that punishment is appropriate as long as it does not do significant harm. Three FGD participants, however, expressed views that deviated from the widely held conventional views about childrearing; they represented a more progressive view of childrearing in their parenting styles. Regarding this, a participant who expressed her opinions regarding the proper methods of discipline for raising children said that:

"I have two kids, and I was able to build great bonds with them from a young age. I do not employ physical punishment; instead, I give them tough, direct feedback when they do anything that bothers me." Another respondent said that:

"I realize children could be hard at times, but I believe that physical punishment will only aid us in calming ourselves, but because they are children, they will tend to forget and make the same mistakes again," asserted a different reply. Since I usually get into arguments with their father when he abuses my kids, I do not support physical punishment and believe it should have a limit.

3.6 The role of parents

The study's FGD participants gave their personal opinions on parental engagement in response to a broad question. The majority of parents in Kansas City typically support the importance of parental engagement in their parenting methods, according to the findings from the transcribed data. They said that, beginning at a young age, dads and mothers must take part in the socialization process. A small percentage of individuals did, however, also indicate that it is critical that fathers be more revered and feared in order for kids to develop healthy habits and socially acceptable behavior. For example, two informants from the FGD and one informant from the interview session recounted their experiences, while expressing their own opinions about parental involvement. One of the FGD participants' parents stated that:

"I think that for better child rearing practices, having a strong male role in the home is just as vital as having a strong mother. It is critical that parents set a positive example for their kids so they can grow up to be responsible adults in the future. Fathers are more revered and feared in our culture, so I utilize that to warn the child by telling them, "Your father is coming." The fact that my two daughters help me out at pottery in our leisure time allows us to spend more time together and maintain a more open line of communication, making us feel more like friends, according to a female FGD informant. Another parent who participated in the interview discussed the importance of parents engaging and speaking with their kids in a way that is age-appropriate. "I think it is vital to encourage children to connect freely with their parents, but we must remember that they are still children and that we should not divulge secrets to them," the woman said quoting a traditional saying “Chachut fit sile fengil ayiweram”

The aforementioned saying literally translates to, "You do not discuss chickenpox in the presence of chickens. "Culture dictates that if someone talks badly in front of a child, the child will naturally be intrigued to do the same. Alternatively, you should avoid speaking in an age appropriate manner in front of children because it will spoil them.

The majority of the parents in the DTT community who took part in this study agreed that physical punishment is important, but they also emphasized that it had to be suitable and controlled when summarizing the issues addressed under this theme. In addition, the parents felt that it was critical to discipline their kids when they misbehaved, citing the fact that kids forget things and that if they do not experience discipline and control on a regular basis, they grow up to be spoilt kids. Conversely, three individuals made comments that tended to support progressive parenting ideas that disapprove of physical punishment. The informants added that while it is crucial to encourage kids to engage in conversations with their parents, it is as necessary to shield kids from age inappropriate content and secrets. Following their conviction that we should not discuss sensitive topics or secrets with young people.

3.7 How parenting attitudes and ideals affect childrearing techniques 

Most parents wish to pass on the values they received from their parents' upbringing, according to data analysis on the impact of parental views and values on childrearing practices. Inheriting religious and cultural values, gender inequality that grants boys greater freedom than girls, varying degrees of inheriting one's occupation, providing for the children's basic needs and education, and sharing life experiences are among the values and beliefs that parents want to instill in their children. The FGD members largely agree when talking about how parental beliefs affect their methods of childrearing that their children inherit their cultural and religious values. One participant in the FGD, who was an Orthodox Christian, said,  I make my children go to church at least on Sundays and on the days of certain saints (St. Michael, Mary, and Bethlehem), and the children celebrate and enjoy the religious and cultural holidays with us (parents).  The majority of the participants nodded in agreement. "I instruct my children to recite the Holy Koran and to accomplish the daily prayers (four times), and the youngsters follow it as their obligation routinely," stated another Muslim male interviewee.

The FGD participants summed up the inheritance of religious and cultural values as follows: "Our beliefs and values are influenced by our upbringing to some extent. We wish to impart to our kids the ancestral cultural, religious, and customary values. Christian parents instill in their children the church's laws and regulations about when to attend church, holiday celebrations, and fasting practices. Similar religious customs that Muslim parents received from their parents are likewise passed down to their offspring. The community as a whole, including the kids, celebrates national and cultural holidays. The parents stated that depending on the gender of their children, their parenting practices and values changed. Girls are under more social pressure, according to the majority of participants. An explanation of this gender based disparity was provided by a parent interviewee, for instance. “Boys are allowed to play whenever they want, whereas girls are under careful supervision. Boys are given more freedom than girls”. Girls that exhibit timidity, in our opinion, is the most beautiful. They should not be permitted to spend extended periods of time outside or return home after dark as doing so puts their safety in danger.

Another FGD participant discussed her views on gendered practices and values being passed down through childrearing, saying things like, "I do not ask the boys to help me with the housework; I ask the girl for help after school. "I do not let the boys to engage in the pottery even though he has interest in it, but the girls aid me in the pottery. Boys were, nevertheless, permitted to work in driving and weaving crafts in the past.

The parents also expressed differing opinions on passing on their profession to their offspring: some preferred that their children acquire their professional abilities, while others opposed this.

FGD participant who is male stated that:

"In addition to providing for the children's fundamental needs and education, I also share with them my own life experiences and hope that they may inherit my expertise in weaving. They now possess the skill since I teach them the trade after school. However, another parent had the following opinion: "I have a weaving craft that we use to work on at home. The children are disturbed and uncomfortable, and they do not need to inherit this weaving craft."

This qualitative study investigated the values and beliefs that parents in the Debre Tabor (DTT) community, have about raising their children and how those beliefs affect the development of their offspring. Its main goal was to investigate the values and beliefs that parents apply to raising their children. Two sets of ten parents each were asked to focus group discussions (FGDs) after ten parents from the DTT community were interviewed. The following six significant research questions were taken into consideration for this study: (i) What moral standards do parents in the DTT community currently wish to instill in their children?(ii) How do parents in the DTT community feel about having kids?(iii) What characteristics do parents not want for their children?(iv) How do parents discipline their children according to their parenting beliefs?(v) How do parents feel about the role that parents should play in raising their children? and (vi) How do DTT community parents' values and beliefs influence their methods of raising their children? The results were interpreted with the help of grounded theory analysis. The following discourse delves into interpretations that stem from six principal research inquiries and establishes links with prior research discoveries.

4.1.1 Current values that parents like to see

The results of the study on parental values demonstrated that parents want their children to have traits like diligence, societal respect, patriotism, religiosity, loyalty, honesty, decency, politeness, good manners, quietness, helpfulness, and support for other parents and fellow citizens who share their passion for their country. These characteristics often allude to a group of relatedness, obedience, group, and nationalistic beliefs. Study reports on Ethiopian families demonstrate similar outcomes despite the variations in methodological approaches used in earlier quantitative investigations. For instance, Girma (2001) noted that intensive training and strong discipline of the kid instill culturally desirable behavior traits like respect and obedience. For example, research by Messing (1985) on Amhara households found that parents' attitudes toward their young children exhibit less control in the early years, in part because they believe that childhood is a period of imperfection. Amhara parents raise their children in an authoritarian manner to force them to become adults as soon as possible, without allowing them a playful adolescence phase, but until they are old enough to undertake economic activities, they leave them with little supervision (Messing, 1985). Abebe (2008) asserts that comprehension of the definitions of family and parent-child relationships is necessary for any discussion of the family collective and children's place within it.

Since the family Parenting and children are both loaded concepts with complex cultural connotations that require context-specific understanding (Abebe, 2008). Levine's summary of the Amhara culture's general approach to child socialization is as follows: "The Amhara place a high value on obedience and politeness in raising their children. Following an extended and luxurious childhood, the Amhara child begins a regime of strict discipline and oppression around the age of three. He is trained to comply with any request made by an elderly person without question. When there are visitors, he has been trained to remain silent and to face the wall while his parents or other visitors are eating dinner. When seniors, especially those from outside his immediate family, address him, he is required to respond in a barely discernible whisper. Rude and boisterous youngsters are called bálagé, which means with contempt. (Levine, 1965, p 266)

Poluha's (2004) study on Ethiopian immigrant parents revealed, in line with other earlier studies (BarYosef, 2003; Girma, 2001; Levin, 1965), that the cultural values in which the parents were raised and socialized deviate significantly from the requirements of the Swedish value system. The Ethiopian immigrants originated from a community that valued authoritarian, patriarchal parent child interactions and frequently utilized physical punishment as a culturally accepted means of socialization for children (Poluha, 2004).

4.1.2 Unwanted characteristics or values for kids

Parents want their children to grow up with positive values, but they also do not want their children to grow up with negative traits like stealing, addiction, lying, disobedience, destructiveness, aimlessness, disrespect, and arrogance, ridiculousness, arriving home late, breaking the law, having friends with bad manners, and not giving back to the community. The findings about the ideals that parents should not wish for their children to inherit as adults align with the assertions made by other Ethiopian parents. For instance, a survey conducted in 2016 by Gelan on parents living in AA revealed that parents' goal was to shield their kids from friends who were spoilt, money, addiction, and unsupervised time by preventing them from having such acquaintances. One of the main justifications given by parents for preventing their children from making friends is the possibility of drug exposure. The mother in the aforementioned narrative frequently utilized her own observations or the tales of others to justify her beliefs. She described her dread of releasing her children, for example, using a story her cousin, a doctor, told her. This narrative concerned a young man who attended a woman's birthday celebration and consumed a cake that had been drug-baked. The mother described how the teenager became "possessed" by his drug addiction and lost all self-control, committing several "bad" acts. She expressed her frustration as follows: She was worried that a single drug exposure event could result in an addiction for which there is no cure.

"Giving children independence is difficult because there are serious repercussions. Although parents are really worried about what their children may encounter through friendships, I know that kids should have friends. Gelan (2016), page 67.

Although there is a dearth of published research listing undesirable behaviors in children, other studies (Abebe, 2008; Girma, 2001; Poluha, 2004) have shown that disrespecting parents and other adults in the community and disobeying them are not only considered problematic behaviors but also the root cause of numerous abnormal traits. However, it is impossible to draw the conclusion that all undesirable behaviors are the same, necessitating additional comparative research amongst Ethiopia's many cultures.

4.1.3 Parents' perspectives on starting a family

Parents who talk about their views on having children say that they think children are a priceless gift from God and the destiny of life. In addition, the participants mentioned that children are a resource that may help assist their parents and younger siblings if they are raised properly. The life cycle rituals of returnee refugees from Sudan to Abi Adi, Tigray, Ethiopia, are also vividly described in a study by Laura Hammond (2004), which highlights the connections between baptism and birth as markers of emplacement and community building. Similar to most Ethiopian communities, the Abi Adi people frequently wish for children and view them as a gift from God (Hammond, 2004).The expectations and obligations that the two generations owe to each other were revealed by qualitative data collected from 20 sites spread across five regions of Ethiopia regarding the intergenerational interaction between caregivers and children. Not with standing minor differences, the majority of caregivers expected to receive care, financial support, and emotional support as they aged (Tafere, 2015). Consequently, parents' views on having children and their wellbeing are more reliant on God's mercy. They also believe that parents should provide their children with psychosocial support as they age, which may be the motivation behind their desire for additional children. However, due to the influence of modernization, which also affects parents' attitudes about having children and their aspirations for their children's future, it is not a universal fact about having children in the dynamic parenting practices of today.

4.1.4 Parental perspectives on engagement and discipline

When asked about their views on childrearing and interactions, most parents said that the best kind of punishment for kids should be maximum physical force. In elucidating their perspectives on parent child communication, the majority of parents concur that the amount of time children spend with their parents needs to be restricted. However, other people also think that candid and honest communication with kids is essential to their social development. Similar trends were found in Ethiopian studies on the ways in which parents engage and punish their children. For instance, punishment that is, the use of force, both psychological and physical is the most common method of child management and/or socialization, according to a study conducted on Ethiopian immigrant parents in Sweden (Gebrekidan, 2010). Furthermore, Poluha's (2004) study of children attending AA schools revealed that while the children did not object to discipline, they did view it as an indication of parental responsibility. As per Poluha's (2004) study: No child in the interviews expressed disapproval toward their parents for disciplining them; rather, it seems that they recognize this as their parents' job and right. The kids reasoned that their parents did not do it intentionally hurt them, but rather out of love and concern for them. Poluha (2004), page 84Parents' attitudes and views generally showed that, in addition to providing for their children's material and financial needs, they defined their main role as managing and punishing them. Their opinions on how much control parents should have over their kids ranged from being extremely controlling to being laid back. Three parents agree that parents should have strict control and oversight over their children, even though their specific areas of attention may differ. They acknowledged reluctance to exert pressure and strict control over their kids after realizing the effects of such methods. Their experiences demonstrated that they were powerless over their kids, no matter how much they wanted 

4.1.5 Parents' perceptions of their role as parents

The results of the assessment on parental engagement showed that most parents in the Kechene community respect parental involvement in their parenting styles. They said that, beginning at a young age, dads and mothers must take part in the socialization process. Few parents did, however, report that playing with kids tends to spoil them and that kids should not be exposed to adult conversations. However, other participants asserted that although male parents are less involved with their children, they are nonetheless more feared and revered than female parents. For example, Binyam (2007) contended that, while to varying degrees, hierarchical ties persist in both rural and urban settings. Therefore, the parenting style entails parents or other elders feeling obligated to inculcate cultural values in the child. According to additional quantitative evidence (Tsemrekal, 2013), parents' risk avoidance actions have considerably grown as a result of their heightened monitoring. In Ethiopia, it is a common notion that God, not parents, is the one who protects children. Parents hold that they have no business interfering with God's plan.

This could also clarify why kids think their parents are uncaring. Moreover, parental supervision over nighttime outings shown that female parents had greater influence over their kids than male parents (Tsemrekal, 2013).But depending on the family's demographics and financial circumstances, this tendency of parental involvement differs not just among communities and cultures but also within families (Hastings & Grusec, 1998).In the Gabra community, for example, dads and grandparents are revered as the heads of the household and as sources of protection, and children spend a great deal of time with them. They are expected to oversee the household's leadership matters. The father is the family's head. He is responsible for finding food, tending to the animals, and providing them with shelter. In addition to cooking and setting up the milking apparatus, mothers have a lot of cleaning to perform (Ndegwa, Nalianya-Okumu, Rheeder, & Omar, 2014).

On the other hand, parents in metropolitan regions may share parenting tasks even with the effect of culture. As an illustration, Hastings and Grusec (1998) said that; Parents who work in skilled and semiskilled physical labor would prefer to instill in their kids a value system that emphasizes outward traits like cleanliness, neatness, and obedience. On the other hand, parents who work in professional or white-collar jobs typically place more emphasis on inward psychological qualities like self control, happiness, and curiosity. Parenting styles also reflect these disparities in values. While middleclass parents employ more inductive discipline and explanations, low income parents are typically more coercive.(Grasec & Hastings, 1998).As a result, a variety of factors influence parental involvement in childrearing techniques, and intervention programs must be designed with the unique history, values, and beliefs of their clients in mind.

4.1.6 How parenting attitudes and ideals affect childrearing techniques

The majority of parents wish to impart the values they have inherited from their parents' upbringing, according to participants' responses when asked how parental values and beliefs affect their methods of raising children. Parents seek to inculcate in their children a variety of values and beliefs related to childrearing, such as: passing down their religious and cultural beliefs; gender inequality, which grants boys greater freedom than girls; varying degrees of occupational inheritance; meeting the children's basic needs and providing for their education; and sharing their own life experiences. Research shows that parents attitudes and ideas about their children's futures have different consequences based on a number of variables. Hastings and Grusec (1998) found that parenting manuals from religious sources are the only ones that address the most crucial role of parents, which is instilling values in their children. It has been observed that parents adhere to culturally formed parenting ideals while feeling as though their actions do not meet their children's needs. Parents use this cultural reference to encourage or discourage particular habits in their children. Parents incorporate their view of their culture and environment into their parenting responsibilities. 

According to Bornstein (2012). Parents in different cultures receive different kinds of guidance on how to raise children properly. But as cultures change and blend together, it is harder for parents to know for sure how to raise their kids (Harkness & Super, 1995). Parents treat boys and girls differently, according to earlier studies on the impact of parental values and views on gender. Gender disparity is caused by parents' ideas and values as well as the pervasiveness of gender in plays, responsibilities, expected behavior, tone of voice, and terms of address, even from instructors, according to Binyam's (2007) study on children in two schools in the SNNPR, Ethiopia. 

Boys are expected to be outgoing, whereas girls—even those who possess great intelligence—are expected to be reserved and shy. Despite the fact that many advocated for gender equality, their actions were slanted toward males rather than girls. Boys questioned several parts of their lives, such as the punishments they received and the appropriate ways and recipients of respect, but they did not challenge gender aspects (Binyam, 2007). Only one female questioned the notion of gender. These suggest that a variety of factors, including the cultural, occupational, economic, and demographic backgrounds of the community at large and of the parents specifically, have an impact on childrearing behaviors. As a result, before organizing intervention services, counselors and other stakeholders must evaluate and comprehend the community they are working with using a thorough and multifaceted approach.

5.1 conclusion

More than three fourths of the parents stated that they wanted their kids to grow up to be patriotic (loving their country), cooperative, religious, hardworking, and obedient. Only two parents stated that they wanted their kids to be independent (resilient, assertive, confident, responsible, hardworking, and successful) and to perform better than their peers. All parents, on the other hand, expressed their views about the undesirable traits they believed their kids should not inherit, such as lying, being rude to others, stealing, and disobedience, as well as drug addiction. When it comes to parental beliefs about having children, the majority of parents said that they see their kids as a gift from God. Others added that kids are assets that help their parents and younger siblings later in life. Still others said that kids are the destiny of life in their cultural heritage system. Along with the majority of parents' belief that appropriate physical punishment is required for childrearing, these parents also express resentment towards playing with or discussing serious matters with their children in front of them. Conversely, some parents choose to chastise and engage with their kids to encourage positive behavior and encourage communication instead of using physical punishment as a form of discipline. In addition, an evaluation of parental participation attitudes revealed that the majority of mothers and fathers feel that socialization must begin at a young age. Few parents, however, stated that they feel children should not be exposed to adult conversations and that playing with kids tends to spoil them. Besides some believe that fathers are more feared and respected than female parents. Parents frequently demonstrated how their values and ideas influenced the way they parented in an effort to influence their kids. The majority of parents stated that their views and values as parents affect how they raise their children. They generally concur that parents believe that their children inherit their religious and cultural values. Providing for the children's basic necessities, sharing their life experiences with them, and enforcing sex roles that offer boys greater freedom than girls are some other implications of their parenting style. As a result, the results of this contextual knowledge can help professionals assist parents in raising their children. Given the country's many cultural, economic, and social developments, stakeholders may find it helpful to review current childrearing practices and make necessary revisions.

5.2 Implications of the Study 

Based on the evidence that parents have provided, the current study may have implications for both research and practical use. This study demonstrated how parents' cultural and contextual values and beliefs influence how they raise their children. This effect is especially noticeable in nations like Ethiopia where a lengthy history, rich culture, and deeply ingrained traditions greatly impact day-to-day existence.

Counselors in Ethiopia must make a constant effort to learn about the historical, cultural, political, economic, and environmental influences on parenting styles and family dynamics in order to effectively guide their work. Counselors may find themselves struggling to create relevant parenting knowledge due to a lack of organized sources, even in places throughout Ethiopia where there is a dearth of written, practical, and evidence-based parenting information. Practitioners should be willing to build their knowledge indirectly in addition to employing the current western-based methodologies. The experiences of their clients, literature from a variety of fields, oral and cultural history, international and local media, and community involvement are all valuable resources for counselors to learn from. It is important to make an attempt to understand the typical patterns of childrearing while taking individual and collective parental values and views into account.

The study's findings demonstrated that, in order to fulfill their parental responsibilities, the majority of parent’s desired cultural and contextual values and beliefs such as relatedness, religiousness, obedience, collective patriotism, and other values that place high expectations on children. In addition, gender-based action disparities were demonstrated by parental views and attitudes on having children as well as their involvement and interaction with them. Additionally, these parental values influence how parents raise their children, which may have favorable or unfavorable effects. Counselors may need to work individually and collaboratively to create innovative and constructive tactics that encourage parents to consider how to better support their children and increase parental participation in order to attain the best possible childrearing practices. Counselors should actively start and strengthen their professional organizations to prioritize and strategize on innovative and effective ways to address the dearth of resources supporting practitioners in this endeavor and the enormous, potentially public, need to promote healthy but contextually appropriate parenting practices. It appears reasonable to suggest that counselor educators also inform their teaching by involving their students in this effort to construct contextual knowledge about current family and child development dynamics across communities in Ethiopia as well as best practices counselors can use to improve the quality of family development in Ethiopia, given the early stage of Ethiopian counselors' collective involvement in the systemic effort to support parents. From a methodological perspective, the research implications of the current findings can be viewed as follows: the use of qualitative research was beneficial for this study because it freed participants from the constraints of fixed choice assessment tools that quantitative approaches might demand.

The approach's communication method, which emphasized narrative and conversation above reading and writing as a means of exchanging knowledge, was also helpful. The interview questions in this study were wide and intended to understand concerns that participants value. More detailed and lucid information than was obtained from the parents could be obtained by using qualitative methods to ask the children of these parents about the meaning of things like the parental desired values (obedience, religiosity, collective and social, patriotic, hardworking, and independence) and how these values and beliefs affect the children. Qualitative research studies that look at successful parenting narratives would also be crucial in educating practitioners about context-relevant information for supporting other parents.

Researchers can accomplish this goal by choosing research participants based on predetermined success criteria and learning from their viewpoints, behaviors, skills, and supports. This could also assist researchers in determining which parenting techniques should be discouraged or improved. The information sets gleaned from qualitative methodologies can also be utilized to create or alter evaluation instruments for application in extensive quantitative research projects. The direct application of evaluation instruments designed for a different cultural context may not provide sufficient information regarding parenting behaviors in Ethiopia, as demonstrated by quantitative studies carried out in the country. The unfamiliarity of the assessment questions may also restrict the participation of research participants.

5.3 Limitations of the study

The study's seen or experienced limitations can be utilized to assess how well the results apply to other parent groups in DTT that are comparable to your own. In general, the interviewees' level of expressiveness during the process may have been influenced by the presumptions and the format of the questions. The sequence in which the semi structured questions were presented to each participant was identical. But based on the way they responded, it seems that a first, more inclusive question could have given them the freedom to share their parenting experiences in a way that emphasized the things they found most important. Because participants varied in what matters most to them, the researcher's inexperience with qualitative research and participant interviews may have limited the opportunities for participant to discuss their experiences in the practice of childrearing in relation to their values and beliefs. In addition, FGD participants preferred greater conformity to those who discussed a topic first rather than sequentially telling their own opinions. The peer reviewer assisted in ensuring that the translations and interpretations were accurate and believable, but a deeper level of professional involvement was not feasible. The researcher examined the accuracy of the translations and interpretations throughout the analysis process by engaging in numerous and rich interactions with the source data in order to address this difficulty (Corbin & Strauss, 2008). Several triangulation attempts also increase the qualitative study's credibility. The triangulation methods utilized in this investigation has certain drawbacks. It was not possible to carry out follow-up interviews with participants to get their input on the defined categories or to deepen the first round of interviews. Time restraints and participant and researcher physical availability issues were the causes. The concurrent checking procedures conducted during the interview were beneficial in this regard, even though the researcher was unable to do a direct and active member checking with them. To ensure that the meaning of what the participants were trying to convey was understood, the researcher frequently paraphrased and summarized. The majority of participants tended to share their personal tales with the researcher, therefore the researcher actively listened to what they had to say and extrapolated parenting related interpretations from what they said. In order to achieve direct triangulation attempts, it could have been more practical to perform two rounds of studies with a smaller group of participants from parents and their respective children, given the nature of this study and the synthesizing type of depth required by grounded theory.

Furthermore, the researcher's attempt at triangulation which involved a thorough analysis of studies done in Ethiopia—produced only passable findings. The lack of similar Ethiopian studies that might be used to assess the validity of the interpretations further restricts the triangulation of the current study's findings.